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1882 
WHIG STATE CONVENTION. 



Agreeably to the call, the Convention met at 10 o'clock, 
in the Presbyterian Church, in Chambersburg, on Thursday 
the 13th of June inst., and on motion of Joseph Lawrence, 
Esq. was organized temporarily, by calling John Binns, 
Esq. to the chair, who on taking the same made the follow- 
ing address : — 

Gentleman Delegates, 

1 am sensible of the honor you have been pleased to 
confer upon me— the more deeply sensible of the honor done 
and the confidence from the entire unanimity with which I 
have been called to the chair. 1 shall endeavor by the up- 
rightness, fidelity and impartiality with which I shall discharge 
the duties imposed, to evince the feelings which crowd around 
my heart. 

I do not anticipate any subject of vital interest as likely to 
present itself for consideration during the brief period which I 
shall preside over your deliberations. I am however aware 
that questions may, and probably will arise in which the 
feelings of individuals may take a deep interest. In the 
discussion, if any shall arise on such questions, I feel assured 
that mutual respect and mutual forbearance will ensure 
harmony, and cultivate the best and kindest feelings. 

The place in which we are assembled will naturally so 
impress our minds, that in deciding upon the rights of others 
we shall be careful to do unto others as we would that others 
should do unto us. 

H. D. Maxwell, of Northampton, and Reuben Keifer, 
of Lehigh, were then appointed Secretaries. 



The following delegates 
names : — 

Philadelphia City. 

John P. Wetherill, 
Joseph R. Ingersoll, 
Joseph G. Clarkson, 
Nathan Sargent, 
David Winebrenner, 
John Binns, 
Alexander Ferguson, 
John M. Scott. 

Philadelphia County* 

John E. Kean, 
William Esher, 
Michael Day, 
Ralph W. Pomroy, 
George P. Little, 
John D. Nirresteel, 
Truman M. Hubbell, 
Joseph Ripka, 
William Lloyd, 
Thomas W. Duffield, jr. 

Lancaster County, 

Thomas G. Henderson, 
Charles Brooke, jr. 
Dr. J. S. Clarkson, 
Christopher Hager, 
Morris Hoopes. 

Chester County. 

M. Pennypacker, 
John Gillis, 
J. B. Chrisman, 
T. Haines, 
William K. Correy. 

Columbia County. 
James Pleasants. 



[2] 

appeared and answered to their 

Washington County. 



Alexander Reed, 
Joseph Lawrence, 
David Eckert. 
Jacob Slagle, 

Dauphin County, 

John A. Fisher, 
Benjamin Jordan, 
William Clark. 

Franklin County. 

James M'Dowell, 
George Besore, 
George Chambers. 

Perry County. 

Henry H. Etter, 
A. W. Monroe. 

Cumberland County. 

C. B. Penrose, 
Samuel M'Keehan, 
John J. Myers. 

Schuylkill County. 

James S. Wallace, 
G. G. Palmer. 

Lehigh County, 

Tilghman Good, 
Reuben Keifer, 

Lebanon County* 

Wilham Geddes. 



[8] 



York County. 

T. L. Cathcart, 
Henry KaufTelt. 

Northampton <Sf Monroe Coun 
ties. 

George Weber, 
H. D. Maxwell. 

Juniata, Mifflin and Union. 

William Butler, 
Francis McCoy. 

Allegheny County. 

R. M. Riddle", 
R. E. Sellers, 
F. G. Kay. 

Delaware County. 

Casper W. Sharpless, 
Joshua P. Eyre. 

Crawford County. 

C. B. Power, 
Joseph C. Hays. 

It was moved that Mr. Watts, of Erie county, who was 
present, though not a delegate, be received as a member of this 
convention, which motion was laid on the table. 

On motion, a committee was appointed, consisting of nine 
members to report officers for the Convention, and rules of 
order for its government, and the following gentlemen were 
appointed : — 

Messrs. Townsend Haines, Alexander Ferguson, Casper 
W. Sharpless, R. T. Potts, George P. Little, J. S. Wallace, 
James M'Dowell, Benjamin Jordan and William Geddes. 



Beaver County. 

John Dickey, 
William Morton, 
James Sprott. 

Northumberland County, 

M, Bobst, 
Robert M'Guigan. 

Bedford County. 

John Fletcher, 
Henry H. Fore. 

Montgomery County, 

R. T. Potts, 
Geo. W. Holstein. 

Mercer County, 
J. D. ClarkZ 



Adams County. 

Peter Hulick, 

R. F. M'Conaughy, 

C. Baker. 



[4] 

And on motion, a committee of like number was appointed 
to report the business proper for the action of the Convention, 
and the following gentlemen were appointed : — 

Messrs. N. Sargent, Charles Brooks, jr., George "Weber, 
Alexander Reed, R. M. Riddle, J. D. Clark, C. B. Powers, 
Reuben Keifer and William Butler. 

The papers in relation to the choice of Delegates from 
Adams county, were on motion referred to the following com- 
mittee : — 

Messrs. John M. Scott, George Holstein, T. G. Hender- 
son, George Weber, James Pleasants, John Fletcher, and 
Robert E. Sellers. 

Whereupon the Convention adjourned, to meet at half past 
3 o'clock. 



Thursday Evening. 
Convention met at half past 3 o'clock, according to ad- 
journment. 

Mr. Scott from the committee in relation to the Delegates from 
Adams, reported, with the concurrence of both sets of Delegates 
from that county, the names of Peter Hulick, R. F. M'Co- 
naughy and C. Baker, who were called and took their seats- 
Mr. Haines, from the committee to appoint officers for the 
permanent organization of the Convention reported the fol. 

lowing gentlemen:— 

President, 
GEORGE CHAMBERS, of Franklin. 

Vice Presidents. 
Alexander Reed, of Washington, 
John Price Wetherill, of Philadelphia, 
William Clark, of Dauphin, 
Gideon T. Palmer, of Schuylkill. 

Secretaries. 
Robert M. Riddle, of Allegheny, 
Henry D. Maxwell, of Northampton, 
Thomas W. Duffield, jr. of the county of Philadel- 
phia. 



[5] 

And further reported for the government of the Convention, 
the rules adopted by the House of Representatives of this 
Commonwealth. 

Which report was adopted, and the gentlemen named una- 
nimously elected as officers of the Convention. Whereupon 
the chairman vacated the chair, and the officers elected took 
their seats. 

Mr. Chambers, upon taking his seat, delivered the follow- 
ing address :— 

Gentlemen Delegates : — 

I beg you to accept my acknowledgments for the mark 
of confidence just given to me by your choice to preside over 
this Convention. On my part I promise my efforts to dis- 
charge the duties of the station with attention and impartiality, 
and I respectfully solicit what I shall need, your kind co-ope- 
ration and indulgence. 

Allow me to congratulate you, on the numerous and respec- 
table body of Delegates which #re here assembled, from dis- 
tant parts of our extended Commonwealth, to deliberate and 
advise, respecting the abuses ol the powers of our Government, 
by the public servants. 

Our national government which was established to promote 
the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty and 
representative government to all the citizens of this Republic, 
is now perverted by our Rulers to the most selfish, tyrannical 
and corrupt purposes. I will not detain you to enumerate 
those many abuses of power of which the Whigs have cause to 
complain as corrupting and oppressive, as they are known 
and sensibly felt not only throughout this Commonwealth, 
but the length and breadth of this Republic. The exposure 
of those abuses, has led to no reform with those who are in 
power, and the complaints and remonstrances of the opposition 
are unheeded and disregarded, as if they had no lot, or part 
in the matter. 

The great business of those now in possession ol the powers 
of Government is to exercise their power, privileges and pa- 
tronage to preserve to themselves and their friends their official 
stations; and the Government is administered by the office- 
holders, for the office holders, regardless of the public interest, 
and in contempt of the opinions and feelings of those who are 
not of the dominant party. 



[6] 

The redress for those grievances, and the reform of grow- 
ing abuses, must be sought through the voices and ballot box- 
es of a free and honest people. 

The men now in possession of the powers of Government 
must be made to yield them, to those who will bring back the 
Government to constitutional limits, official accountability, 
and economical expenditures, and who will administer the 
Government for the American people, and not for the emolu- 
ment of office holders. 

In the ranks of the Whigs, are to be found men eminently 
qualified for the highest station in the government. What- 
ever preferences may be had for men as candidates for that 
station, it must be admitted by all patriotic whigs, that mea- 
sures and the triumph of our principles, are of more importance 
to our country, and ourselves, than the elevation of any man to 
the Presidency. 

Allow me to say to you, that in a common cause requiring 
union and concert, there should be harmony and concession. 
Sacrifices will be required of individual wishes, and the man 
who is found to combine in the several States, the greatest 
strength, as indicated by the choice of a National Whig Con- 
vention, as their candidate for the Presidency, will, I trust, re- 
ceive the undivided vote of the whigs of the Union and of all 
others who are opposed to the misrule of Martin Van Buren, 
and who love their country and institutions more than men. 

Our political opponents present a party united, organized 
and active, with an army of office holders disciplined and offi- 
cious to influence, direct and conlroul public opinion, and ihe 
action of citizens. Though there is much to condemn in the 
measures and political movements of the party in power, yet 
pardon me for recommending, the imitation of their example 
in the union, perseverance and devotion with which they sup- 
port the candidate of the party. Whatever divisions may em- 
barrass them in the selection of a candidate, yet when the 
nomination is made according to the usages of the party, indi- 
vidual predilections and prejudices are surrendered, and the 
candidate selected by a majority of Delegates, receives the un- 
divided, unbroken and zealous support of the entire party. 

The cause of the Whigs is that of the people ; they are on 
the side of law, order and constitutional government, and seek 
to bring back the government to the principles ofthe founders 
of that government, and enforce that economy in the public 
expenditures becoming Republicans. In a contest involving 



[7] 

those great republican principles, the Whigs, if, united, vigi* 
jant, and persevering, must be successful. 

Organization is essential to their efficient action, and one 
of the great purposes of this Convention is, I understand, to pre- 
pare that organization. I shall be pleased to promote it, and to 
unite with you in all measures, that may contribute to the per- 
manency of our republican institutions, maintain the supremacy 
of the laws, and benefit our country. 

Mr. Sargent, from the committee to report the business pro- 
per to be acted on by the Convention, reported as follows :— 

1. That a committee be appointed to report resolutions for 
the adoption of the Convention. 

2. That the Convention appoint a committee to prepare 
and report an address to the Whigs of this State. 

3. That the Convention appoint Senatorial Delegates to 
represent the State at large in the Whig National Convention, 
to be held at Harrisburg in December next. 

4. That the Convention shall take the necessary steps to 
organize the Whig party of this State, by the appointment of 
a General or Central State Executive and Corresponding 
Committee, to consist of fifteen persons, and also of Corres. 
ponding Committees in each of the counties in this State. 

5. That a committee of finance be appointed. 

Mr. Penrose, of Cumberland, moved the postponement of 
^his report to take up and consider the following preamble and 
resolutions : 

Whereas, the crisis at which we have arrived, demands of 
every patriot, the devotion of his best energies to rescue the 
country and the cause of free government, from those who now 
rule the nation, and who are perverting powers entrusted to 
them for the public good, to the destruction of the liberty of the 
people, and to the establishment upon its ruins, of, at best, a lim- 
ited monarchy, with the forms of a republic only : And where- 
as, by the combination of means derived from the great pat- 
ronage of the General Government, and its vast pecuniary re- 
sources, there is arrayed against the rights of the people, a 
formidable power, which will require great and united efforts 
to overthrow : And whereas, it is obvious that without a perfect 
and harmonious union of all citizens opposed to the misrule 



[8] 

which now oppresses this country, we must enter upon a hope« 
less contest : And whereas, in such a crisis, it becomes every 
true patriot to sacrifice all personal predilections, and every 
minor consideration and prejudice, to accomplish the great 
public good, which can be alone effected by a union of all op- 
posed to Martin Van Buren, and his formidable cohorts : And 
whereas, by reason of unfortunate differences between those 
who should be united, there is imminent danger of the defeat 
of the friends of the constitution and the laws, when if they 
were united, victory would be certain : And whereas, an effort 
should be made to effect this union — an effort which patriotism 
urges, and faction only will oppose : Therefore 

Resolved, That all the citizens of this Commonwealth op- 
posed to Martin Van Buren, be and they are hereby urged and 
invited to elect delegates in each county and district in this 
Commonwealth, equal to the number of representatives to which 
they are entitled in the Legislature, to meet in Convention at 
at Harrisburg, on the fourth Monday of August next, then and 
there to effect a complete organization, and union of the anti- 
Van Buren party, to have the same fairly represented in 
the Democratic Whig National Convention, to be assembled in 
Harrisburg in December next. 

Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Convention, that the 
anti-Van Buren party in the different counties and districts of 
this State are required by the highest considerations of patriotism 
to unite in the formation and support ofanti-Van Buren tickets 
in such counties and districts, and that no personal considera- 
tions, no minor differences of opinion, will justify division and 
•disunion in the election ofanti-VanBuren representatives. 

Which motion, after debate, was negatived by the following 
Vote : — 

Yeas— Messrs. Day, Chrisman, Correy, Penrose, M'Kee- 
ban, Meyers; Etter, Monroe, Butler, M'Coy, Pleasants, Fisher, 
Jordan, W. Clark, Geddes, Dickey, Morton, Sprott, J. Clark, 
Cathcart, KaufTelt, Bobst, Fore, Power, M'Conaughy — 25. 

Nays— Messrs. Wetherill, Ingersoll, Clarkson, Sargent, 
Winebrenner, Binns, Ferguson, Scott, Morris, Keen, Esher, 
Pomroy, Little, Ninesteel, Hubbell, Ripka, Lloyd, DufBeld, 
Henderson, Brooke, Clarkson, Hager, Hoopes, Penney- 
packer, Gillis, Haines, Wallace, Palmer, Weber, Maxwell, 
Good, Keifer, Reed, Lawrence, Eckert, Slagle, W Do well, 
Besore, Chambers, Riddle, Sellers, Kay, Sharpless, Eyre, 
M'Guigan, Fletcher, Potts. Holstein, Hulick and Baker — 50» 



On motion, the report of the committee was adopted, and 
the following committees were appointed: 

To report resolutions, Messrs. Ingersoll, Pomroy, Penny- 
packer, Sellers and M'Dowell. 

To report an address — Messrs. Sargent, Scott, Lawrence* 
Haines and Potts. 

The Convention adjourned, to meet at 9 o'clock to-morrow 
morning. 

Friday Morning, June 14. 

Convention met and on motion, the chair appointed Messrs* 
Little, Wallace and Kay, a Committee on Finance. 

Mr. Ingersoll from the Committee to report Resolutions, pre- 
sented the following Report : 

Resolved, That this Convention has assembled under the 
influence of a sincere devotion to the best interests of the coun- 
try, and an earnest, anxious, and unaffected desire to promote 
them. The occasion which has called it together is peculiar 
and in some respects without a precedent. It has arisen from 
no want of concert of opinion or co-operation in efforts, against 
errors and abuses in the administration of the general govern- 
ment, against enormous strides of executive power, gross cor- 
ruptions in practice, mistaken policy, or disastrous measures. 
We all agree that false principles have been adopted by the 
present rulers of the nation, and that pernicious theories have 
been sustained by feeble judgments, and carried into exercise 
by imbecile hands. A long course of infatuated misconceptiou 
or wilful disregard of the true policy of the nation on the part 
of the government, has been rendered effectually mischievous 
by blind delusion or unmerited confidence on the part of a por- 
tion of the American people. Possessed of every ingredient of 
prosperity, they are made to suffer evils which are ordinarily 
the incidents of adverse fortune. Throughout the Country, 
there is a want of the due development of its resources, and of 
the attainment ofa condition to which Providence had seemed 
to destine it, and some of its fairest regions have been visited 
by desolation with a heavy hand. It is the conclusion of no bias- 
sed judgment, the whispering of no selfish or ambitious spirit, 
the conviction of no excited or impassioned feeling, that these 
unhappy consequences are mainly the results of a misrule 
which for more than ten years has controlled the public policy* 
distorted the public aims, abused the public confidence, and 



[19J 

misled the public will : that the theories of the men in power 
have been uniformly unsound, and their measures for the most 
part disastrous. 

It is time that this course of erroneous administration should 
be arrested, and if possible that a change should be effected in 
the prospects and pursuits of a virtuous people. It is believed 
that nothing can produce these happy and desirable results, 
unless power can be withdrawn from the present rulers, and 
placed in abler hands. 

While the intelligence and patriotism of the nation are unit- 
ed in cordial sympathy, and not less assured of the necessity 
of a change, than resolved to omit no exertions to effect it, the 
truth is mournfully obvious that the enemies of mis-government 
do not unite in the precise means by which it ought to be over- 
thrown. Personal predilections are suffered to interfere with 
the active and vigorous discharge of political duty. There is 
imminent danger that the strong may be rendered weak, and 
that their efforts may be defeated, and their hopes disappointed 
by the influence of divided counsels. To reconcile varying 
sentiments, and combine, and concentrate an opposition which 
it is believed requires only union to secure success, is a primary 
object of this assembly. The first care of genuine patriotism 
at such a juncture will be the selection of a candidate for the 
executive chair. The chief magistrate of this great republic 
should combine qualities which rarely meet in the same indi- 
vidual. Firmness and energy with prudence and discretion— 
long tried experience with intense activity — courteous and 
conciliating deportment with unbending power to resist en- 
croachment — dignity without pride — meekness without servili- 
ty — consistency of conduct and frankness in the avowal of 
principles, with respect for honest differences ol opinion and 
stern disdain for hypocrisy and unmanly reserve. These pro- 
perties together with high intellectual merits and uncompromis- 
ing integrity of character, we believe are found in Henry 
Clay of Kentucky. We cannot assert the existence of them, 
nor deny the prevalence of their opposites in the conduct and 
the composition of the present incumbent of the Presidential 
chair. 

The public life of Henry Clay, from the time of his en- 
trance as "an orphan Boy" into the halls of the State and 
general government, — through his career as a representative 
of a District, of a State, and of the United States, — at home 
and abroad, — on all occasions and in every station — reflects 
honor on his Country, and displays an intimate knowledge of 



£"] 

public affairs, and a capacity to unfold that knowledge with 
force, simplicity and surpassing eloquence. On most of the 
subjects of prevailing interest he has been the fearless pioneer 
of public opinion, and on all, the 6old asserter of the people's 
rights : And when passion and party have assumed a fierce- 
ness that has threatened to shake the foundations of the govern- 
ment and tear to pieces the Union, his was the mighty mind 
which stilled the raging of the storm and restored tranquillity 
to the Country. 

Resolved, That this Convention recommends to the National 
Convention, which is to assemble at Harrisburg in December 
1839, Henrst Clay, as the preferred candidate of the Whigs 
of Pennsylvania for the Executive chair, in whom they believe 
every desirable quality is united, and for whom they believe 
the largest portion of the suffrages of the nation may be ob- 
tained. 

Resolved, That the Whigs of Pennsylvania will cheerfully 
conform to the result of the deliberations of the National Con- 
vention, confiding in its intelligence and love of country, and 
in the especial opportunities which it will enjoy, for the selec- 
tion of an eligible candidate. 

Resolved, That for the purpose of effectually organizing the 
Whig party of Pennsylvania, this Convention do now proceed 
to constitute a State Committee of Correspondence consisting 
of 15 persons — and that the members of this Convention are 
hereby constituted District Committees of Correspondence for 
the portions of the State which they now respectively represent, 
and that the Whigs of the Districts not represented be request- 
ed to make early nominations of a similar character. That 
it shall be the especial duty of the said committees, by concert 
of action, mutual communication, and zealous efforts in their 
several departments, to promote the patriotic designs of the 
opponents of the present National administration, in the res- 
toration of confidence, prosperity and dignity to a divided, im- 
poverished and abused people, and as mairly conducive to 
those ends, to further the election of the distinguished citizen 
referred to, as the chief magistrate of the nation. 

Mr. Penrose moved to amend the same by stricking out all af- 
ter the words "selection of a candidate," and insert the Preara* 
ble and Resolutions before submitted by him, which, after debate, 
was negatived, Yeas 22 — Nays 52. 



[12] 

Mr. Dickey of Beaver, then moved to amend by striking 
out the name of Henry Clay wherever it occurs, and insert 
the name of William Henry Harrison, which after debate 
was negatived by the following vote : 

Yeas — Day, Penrose, M'Keehan, Etter, Monroe, Butler, 
Pleasants, Fisher, Jordan, Wm. Clark, Geddes, Dickey, Mor- 
ton, Sprott, J. D. Clark, Kauffelt, Fore, Powers, Hays, M'» 
Conaughy, — 20. 

Nays — Wetherill, Tngersoll, J. S. Clarkson, Sargent, Wine- 
brenner, Binns, Ferguson, Scott, Morris, Keen, Esher, Pom- 
roy, Little, Ninest.eel, Hubbell, Ripka, Lloyd, Duffield, Hen- 
derson, Brook, J. G. Clarkson, Hager, Hoopes, Pennypacker, 
Gillis, Chrisman, Haines, Wallace, Palmer, Weber, Maxwell, 
Keifer, M'Coy, Reed, Lawrence, Eckert, Slagle, M' Dowell, 
Besore, Chambers, Riddle, Sellers, Kay, Sharpless, Eyre, 
Bobst, M'Guigan, Fletcher, Potts, Holstein, Hulick and Ba- 
ker, — 52. 

The Report of the Committee and Resolutions were then 
adoped. 

Mr. Penrose then presented a Protest signed by himself and 
Messrs. Dickey, Monroe, Etter, Myers, J. D. Clark, M'Conaughy 
Kauffelt, Wm. Clark, Jordan, M'Keehan, Morton, Sprott* 
Fore, Butler, Fisher, Geddes, friends of William H. Har- 
rison, who withdrew from the Convention — the protest was 
laid on the table. 

The chair appointed the following named gentlemen on the 
Central State Committee of Correspondence : 

J. P. Wetherill, Joseph R. Ingersoll, John Binns, N. Sar- 
gent, John E. Keen, Joseph G. Clarkson, Philadelphia City & 
County ; Townsend Haines, West Chester ; Charles Brook, jr. 
Lancaster; William J. Keim, Reading; Henry Drinker, Sus- 
quehanna ; Tho. G. M'Culloh and Jasper E. Brady, Chambers, 
burg; Robert M'Guigan, Northumberland; Thomas Bakewellj 
Pittsburg ; and Gen. John Dick, Mercer. 

Convention then adjourned to meet at 4 o'clock. 



[18] 

Friday Evening, 

Convention met in pursuance of adjournment. 

Messrs. Power, for himself and Mr. Hay, Delegates from 
Crawford, announced their intention respectfully to withdraw 
from the Convention, which they then did. 

Mr. Cathcart, from York, then stated that though he was him- 
self friendly to Mr. Clay, yet, from the instructions he had re- 
ceived to recommend Gen. Harrison, and assigning that as a 
reason in a written communication, asked leave to withdraw, 
which was granted, and the communication laid on the table. 

Mr. Sargent, from the committee appointed for that purpose, 
reported an address, which was read, and, on motion, unani- 
mously adopted. 

The convention then proceeded to the nomination of Sena- 
torail Delegates to the National Convention, to assemble in 
Harrisburg, in December next, and unanimously elected the 
following gentlemen as such Delegates : — 

JOSEPH LAWRENCE, Esq. of Washington County, 
JOHN ANDREW SHULTZ, of Lycoming County. 

During the progress of nomination, the following letter from 
Mr. Shultz, to a member of the convention, was read, and with 
the consent of the member, placed on the minutes: 

" Montour sville, June 7th, 1839. > 
My Dear Sir, Lycoming County. $ 

Your letter was the first intimation I 
had of my name having been placed on the Electoral Ticket 
in favor of General Harrison. No written notice has as yet 
reached me. In truth I am not well pleased that such a tick- 
et has been taken up. I am myself so anxious, to eject from 
office the present incumbent, that I am resolved to cast 
my vote, as a citizen, and if it may so happen, as an elec- 
tor, in favor of the National Whig Candidate who may be 
taken up at Harrisburg in December next. My first choice 
is Mr. Clay, but I am willing to go for General Harrison 
or any citizen whose principles are well known, to pledge 
himself to be honest and faithful to the Constitution and 
economical in the disposal of the public money. It is shock* 



[14] 

ingto think how sadly corrupt our administration of the Gen- 
eral Government has been for the last ten years. 

Yours very respectfully, 

J. ANDREW SHULTZ. 
John Binns, Esq. 

Alderman of the City of PhiVa" 

Mr. Binns then called up the preamble and resolutions, which 
he had before submitted, and which were now read and unani- 
mously adopted as follows : 

Whereas, the great object of this assembly, and of all 
representative assemblies, for the selection of candidates is to as- 
certain which, of the citizens before the public, is the one believ- 
ed to be best qualified for the station to be filled and most likely 
to be acceptable to the party, whose representatives are thus 
assembled : 

And whereas, it is of incalculable importance to the liberties 
& happiness of the people of these United States, that the office 
of President shall, at the approaching election, be conferred on 
some individual who will have courage and principle to remove 
corrupt and incompetent men from office and appoint honest 
ones in their places, to prevent a repetition of the many 
outrageous acts of misrule and misconduct which for the last 
ten years have disgraced the People and the Government, and 
thus provide, effectually, against the further plunder of the 
public treasure, and the flight and impunity of the plunderers, 
of such frequent occurrence, under the present and late admin- 
istrations of the General Government ; whereby the hard-earn- 
ed money of the people has been squandered, and the character 
of the Nation injured in the estimation of the world : — 

And whereas, in order to secure the success of such a 
candidate, it is greatly to be desired, nay, it is indispersibly 
necessary, that the whole strength of the opposition to ihe 
administration of Mr. President Van Buren shall be united, and 
that all their votes be cast in favor of some one candidate: — 

And whereas, the Democratic Whig party throughout the 
Union are so thoroughly satisfied of the necessity which exists 
for a reformation in the principles and practices of the 
administration of the General Government, that they have at 
every meeting, whether aggregate or representative, which 
has been held, in language the most unequivocal and unreserved 
pledged themselves, to give up all personal preferences and 
heartily unite in support of such candidate as shall be selected 
by the National Convention, which is to assemble at Harrisburg 
in December next ; — 



[15] 

And whereas, this general determination to submit to the 
ascertained will of the Majority, has been most imposingly 
and impressively exhibited by the Whigs of the States of 
Massachusetts, Kentucky and Ohio, they have each presented 
a distinguished son as every way worthy to be President of 
the United States — Massachusetts has presented her Webster, 
Kentucky her Clay, and Ohio her Harrison ; yet in a spirit 
of all praise and worthy the best days of the Revolution, they 
have magnanimously declared that whatever may be the 
strength of their convictions, however affectionately bound up 
may be their preferences, that they stand ready to offer them 
all up on the altar of the Public Weal, to ensure the election of 
the candidate who may be nominated by the National Conven- 
tion, whether that candidate shall be Webster, or Clay, or 
Harrison, or by whatsoever other name he may beannounced :— - 

And whereas, while the great body of the Whigs every 
where thus patriotically declare their determination to surrender 
personal predilections, local pride and every feeling which 
could lead to disunion in order to make certain the election of 
a President of pure principles, this convention confidently trust 
that these beautiful and cheering examples, given by the 
People themselves, will not be lost upon those who aspire after 
their suffrages, but that they also, one and all, will make known 
that they are more anxious to effect a reform in the administra- 
tion of the Government than to gratify personal ambition : — 

And whereas, to ensure the object of the Democratic Whig 
Party and concentrate its vote throughout the Union, they have 
elected delegates to a National Convention which is to meet at 
Harrisburg in December next to select a Candidate, one 
Candidate for the office of President of the United States : — 

And whereas, to concentrate the votes of the party represented 
in nominating Committees and Conventions, it has long been 
the wise and prudent practice of all such meetings of ail Parties 
in the State of Pennsylvania, not to permit the name of any 
individual to occupy a place on the list of candidates for a 
nomination to office, who is not pledged to abide the issue of 
the ballot and decline to be a Candidate, if he shall not be the 
person selected by the Representatives of the party to whom 
his claims, services and qualifications have been submitted, 
wherefore be it, and it hereby is, 

Resolved^ That it be strenuously recommended to the Nati- 
onal Democratic Whig Convention, which is to assemble at 
Harrisburg, in December next, to consider no man's name 
before their body for nomination, as a candidate for the office 



[16] 

of President of the United States, who shall not be pledged to 
withdraw it and decline a poll if his name, shall not be the 
name selected as that of the Candidate of the Party. 

Resolved, That it is respectfully, yet with all earnestness 
recommended to the National Convention, when they shall 
have selected the Candidate of the Parly for the office of 
President of the United States, to pledge themselves, in an 
address to the People of the United States, signed with the 
name of every Member, that they will with all zeal and in 
good faith support the candidate selected. 

Resolved, As the unanimous opinion of this convention, that 
with frankness and in good faith its members pledge themselves 
to support, by all honorable means, the Candidate who shall 
be selected by the National Convention. 

Resolved, That in the principles detailed, and the course of 
conduct set forth, in this preamble and resolutions, will make 
absolutely certain the election of the Candidate, who shall be 
nominated at Harrisburg, thus finally and signally overthrow- 
ing and ousting from office the men who have so much abused 
the public confidence, endeavourers to corrupt the public mind 
and the public press, and dishonorers of the Country by the 
appointment of unworthy agents in foreign nations. 

Resolved, That the President of this Convention be, and he 
hereby is, requested to take the earliest opportunity of causing 
this Preamble and Resolutions to be placed in the hands of the 
President of the National Convention, with a request that he 
will lay them before that Assembly. 
On motion, 

Resolved, That this Convention recommend to the Demo* 
cratic Whig citizens of the different Congressional Districts who 
have not already elected delegates to a National Convention 
to meet at Harrisburg in. December next, to choose such del* 
egates. 

It was also 

Resolved, That the Central Committee be authorized to fill 
any vacancy that may occur in the Senatorial Delegates to 
the National Convention, and also any vacancy that may occur 
in said committee. 

Resolved, That the thanks of the Convention be offered to 
the Trustees of this Church for the use of the s*me, and to the 
Committee of arrangements for the accommodations prepared 
by them for the Convention. 



[17] 

It was also 
Resolved, That the officers of the convention be a committee 
to publish the proceedings of this Convention. 
On motion of Mr. Lawrence. 

Resolved, That the thanks of the Convention be rendered to 
the officers of the Convention who have presided, for the able 
manner in which they have performed their duties. 
Adjourned* 

GEORGE CHAMBERS, PresH. 
Alexander Reed, } 

John Price Wetherill, > Vice PresHsi 
Gideon T. Palmer, j 
Robert M. Riddle, 
Henry D. Maxwell, ^ See's* 

Thomas W. Dvjfield,jr. 



iSfotfi.—In the last resolution reported by Mr. Ingersoll, (inserted ori 
&he 11th page) for " District" Committees read County Committees. 



THE ADDRESS. 



To the Democratic Whigs of Pennsylvania, 

The Delegates elected to represent you in the State Con- 
tention, directed to be held at Chambersburg on the second 
Thursday of June, instant, having met at the time and place 
designated, and discharged according to the best of their 
judgment the duties assigned them, respectfully submit their 
proceedings to your consideration. 

We came together deeply impressed with the conviction 
that the present politcal condition of the country demands from 
every man who would preserve the inestimable institutions 
of a popular, representative government, his best exertions. 
If the fire which our fathers kindled upon the altar of liberty, 
with their blood and valor, shall not be suffered to expire, 
ours is the task, as it is the duty, to keep it brightly burn- 
ing. But this cannot be done without labor, without watch- 
fulness, without exertion. 

The contest which has been maintained in this country for 
more than ten years past between the two great parties into 
which it has been divided, and in which you have borne a part 
so honorable and conspicuous, has been between Execu- 
tive Power, or the monarchical principle, on the one hand, and 
the popular will, or the principle of self-government, on the 
other. Stripped of all extraneous, incidental, and minor 
questions, the great issue has been, and now is, whether the 
government of this country shall virtually be wielded by 
MAN, though exercised under the forms of a republic, and in 
the name of democracy, and with the power to designate his 
successor, or whether the President shall be restrained within 
those safe limits which the constitution ha? established and 
defined. Whether the co-ordinate, Legislative and Judicial 
branches of the government shall be upheld in their respec- 
tive spheres of action so as to azt as checks upon the Execu- 
tive, or whether he shall be suffered to wield a power irrecon- 
ciieable with their independence and the u f the 

Constitution, and become paramount, irresponsible, and des- 
potic. The fundamental principle avowed by tbe Repabl 






[IS] 

party when they came into power, headed by Mr. Jefferson, 
in 1801, was the restraint of the Executive within strict 
constitutional limits. Such is the principle now advocated by 
the democratic whigs of the Union. It then met the approba- 
tion and support of the great body of the people ; we look to 
them to sustain it now, and if they are either wise or consistent, 
we shall not look to them in vain. 

From the first dawn of civilization, a struggle has been 
maintained, with various success, between popular right and 
Executive prerogative ; and the history of this struggle has 
been written in the blood of those martyrs of Liberty whose 
names are emblazoned upon her escutcheons : — the Ciceros, 
the Catos, the Brutuses, the Sidneys, the Russells, and the 
Vanes; and in the blood of our own revolutionary fathers. 
That contest is still maintained, even in this land of boasted 
freedom, and is the motive of our present action. 

It cannot be denied that the Executive influence has for 
some years past been steadily and rapidly increasing, until it 
has at length become too powerful to be effectually resisted 
by the co-ordinate departments of the government, or restrain- 
ed by those checks established by the wise forecast and cau- 
tious prudence of the framers of the constitution. It is not 
our purpose to enter into a history of those events, so full of 
startling interest, which have occurred during the period 
referred to and which have gradually changed the character 
of our government from one of popular opinion to one of 
practical despotism; they are familiar to all ; they have transpi- 
red under our own eyes, were witnessed with equal astonishment 
and alarm by every patriot, and their consequences have 
been depicted in language of burning eloquence and indignant 
rebuke. A brief reference however to some of them may not 
be improper or unprofitable, to show the steady encroachment 
of that power against which the framers of the Constitution were 
so anxious to guard, as the most dangerous foe to civil liberty. 

It will occur to the recollection of all, whose memories can 
call up the transactions of some twelve or fifteen years, that 
General Jackson was supported and elected to the Presidency, 
chiefly upon the following principles or grounds, which he 
was pledged, in the most solemn manner to the nation, to 
adopt and act upon as the basis of his administration ; 
namely : 

A single Presidential Term. 

The exclusion of members of Congress from offices to be 
filled by nomination or appointment by the President, 



[20] 

yAe destruction of parly. spirit, by selecting for office the 
most worthy and capable men without distinction of 
party. 
The "retrenchment" of the public expenses, and 
The "reform" of various alledged "abuses" 
Never were sounder principles or wiser measures announced 
by a candidate for popular favor ; never were they more 
earnestly, and with apparent sincerity, urged, nor more hon- 
estly and enthusiastically supported by an honest and confi- 
ding people. We may now add, what history has already 
recorded: — never did an administration so grossly violate every 
pledge it had given and every principle it had professed. 
Never was a Chief Magistrate borne with a mightier wave 
of popularity into power, and never were the bright anticipa- 
tions of a people doomed to a more complete disappointment. 
While the people anticipated the restoration of harmony, 
and looked to see "the most worthy" selected to fill important 
public stations, they heard with equal astonishment and regret, 
the annunciation, "by authority," that the President in mak- 
ing removals from, and selections to fill offices, would reward 
his friends and punish his enemies ! and they saw with 
mortification and disappointment, this bold despotic avowal 
carried into effect by an universal sweep from office of all 
who had not sworn or would not swear allegiance to him. 
The road to office from this moment ran by the foot-stool of 
the Executive, and was soon crowded by pilgrims to the shrine 
of power and patronage. To these it was announced that 
t'to the victors belong the spoils of office," and thenceforth 
party spirit raged with ten-fold violence and acrimony. 

It had been announced in the House of Representatives, but 
a few days previous to the inauguration of the President, ( in 
1829 ) by the committee on "Retrenchment and Reform," 
composed of a large majority of his personal and political 
friends, that that body "had a right to expect that the Execu- 
tive would submit to Congress, at its next session, a compre- 
hensive scheme of retrenchment, which should extend to the 
lopping off of all useless officers, and of securing a more effec- 
tive accountability in those which are retained." The 
People had also "a right to expect" this, for they had been 
assured that the previous administration had been profuse, 
wasteful and extravagant. But instead of this, they saw 
the public expenditures rapidly increased from thirteen to 
FORTY millions of dollars per annum j and instead of any 
^'useless officers" being "lopped off," they saw the Clerks in 
the Departments in Washington, and in Custom Houses of 



[21] 

New York and Philadelphia, who had been represented as a 
mere set of "drones," increased from 383, with a compensa- 
tion of $346,317, in 1828, to 895, with a compensation of 
$780,794, in 1837! 

The charge was directly made in the above declaration 
of the House of Representatives, as it had often been previ- 
ously, that the public agents had not been held to a strict ac- 
countability ; and the detection of a defalcation of $3050, 
some months after the expiration of Mr. Adams' official term, 
and which could not have been known to him, was ample proof 
of the corruption of every officer in the Government. But if 
the existence of this solitary case indicated such criminal neg- 
ligence and gross peculations, what inference must be drawn 
when the public plunderers are counted by hundreds and the 
defalcations amount to MILLIONS? And what are we to 
infer from the fact that these peculators are retained in 
office from year to year while their robberies are known 
to the Government, and in some instances re-appointed for the 
alleged reason that their family and connexions are extreme* 
ly influential and all of them co-operate with the partizans 
of the Executive ! 

But if the people were disappointed in the just expecta- 
tions they had entertained in regard to the fulfilment of ihese 
pledges, they could not doubt that he who had with such pat- 
riotic indignation and foresight, declared that "if important 
appointments continue to devolve upon members of Congress, 
corruption would become the order of the day" would "feel it 
due to himself to practice on the precepts he recommended to 
others." But in the face of this declaration, they saw thirty 
one members of Congress appointed to the most important sta- 
tions in the gift of the Executive; — more than twice the num- 
ber that had been appointed during the forty years' previous 
existence of the Government ! Charity herself, can scarcely 
require us to believe that one who had so solemnly "Warned 
the people of the United States against the danger to be appre- 
hended from this corrupting practice, could have been free 
from the intention of exercising a malign influence upon those 
members of Congress on whom those favors were conferred ; 
especially when he placed in the hands of the Speaker of the 
House of Representatives, by whom the Committees ofthat body 
were to be appointed, a written promise of a mission to the first 
court of Europe. The fulfilment of this promise gives rise to 
a conviction which is irresistible, that the predictions of 
the prophet, had by his own act, become recorded truth I 



[22] 

If "upon the list of Executive duties was inscribed, in charac- 
ters too legible to be over-looked, the task of reform," which 
included "those abuses which had brought the patronage of the 
Federal Government in conflict with the freedom of elec- 
tions," what was the astonishment of the nation when they saw 
the interference of Executive subalterns in popular elections 
especially enjoined by the Chief Magistrate, and become the 
surest passport to Executive favor ! Ifthis interference of office- 
holders and government agents in popular elections, has giv- 
en just cause of apprehension to the friends of liberty, how much 
greater cause have they for alarm when a committee of the 
United States' Senate, in a deliberate report to that body, not 
only have the hardihood to sanction the practice, but recommend 
it as a duty ! 

One of the chief offences with which Mr. Adams had been 
charged by the party now in power, was, that by latitudinarian 
constructions of the constitution, he had assumed a power not 
confered upon the Executive by that instrument. But in the 
memorable declaration "/take the responsibility" and "/will 
maintain the constitution as /understand it," General Jack- 
son virtually trampled that sacred instrument in the dust, and 
declared himself independent of the judiciary and of all res- 
traint save his own will. In the frequent use of the Veto to 
defeat bills that had passed both houses of Congress by large 
majorities and by withholding, till Congress had adjourned, 
another which he could not otherwise prevent from becoming 
a law, he gave ample evidence that he wanted not the dispo- 
sition to usurp any power he might deem necessary to accom- 
plish his purposes. This was signally manifested in the remo- 
val of a Secretary of the Treasury for having refused to do an 
act of injustice, which he could not reconcile with his convic- 
tions of duty, and for which he was responsible alone to Con- 
gress. 

The nomination of a successor, and his election by the in- 
fluence of the power and the patronage of the Executive, 
which was exerted to its utmost extent to accomplish this pur- 
pose, consummated those acts of usurpation and maladminis- 
tration which marked the two presidential terms of General 
Jackson, as a period of conflict between Executive power and 
republican principles, and in which the former proved too 
strong for the latter. Has this conflict ceased, now that the 
assailant is no longer sustained by theirresistible popularity and 
eriminal daring of a "Military Chieftain?" We regret to say it 
has not. With the change of the Chief Magistrate, however, its 
character has changed. It is no longer carried on with a bold 



[23] 

and reckless disregard of public opinion ; — by noon-day &s* 
saults and undisguised attacks upon the constitution and co-- 
ordinate departments of the Government. It now assumes a 
disguise, seeks to hide its hostile purpose, and makes its move- 
ments in the dark : trick and stratagem now'take the place 
of that courage which scorned all disguise, and hesitated at 
no responsibility. 

The ardent devotion and implicit obedience rendered by 
his partisans and admirers to the "illustrious predecessor," 
were easily transferred to that unseen but much extolled Idol, 
Democracy ; at whose shrine the present Executive officiates, 
and whose responses his lips pronounce, being at once the 
Pythoness and High Priest of the Temple. If the name of 
Jackson could once sanctify any infringement of the rights* 
of the people) any breach of the constitution, any attack upon 
Co-ordinate branches of the government^ any violation of law — ■ 
"the democratic party," that invisible being represented by, 
and speaking through the Executive, is Indued with an infal- 
libility which has not less power to justify whatever is done in 
its name, however inconsistent with its professed principles, 
injurious to the country, hostile to popular government, or 
destructive of constitutional liberty. 

However strong the contrast which the character of Mr. 
Van Buren presents to that of General Jackson, and whatever 
estimate the people may have formed of the man and the 
officer, it is certain he wields a power, exercised not in his 
own name, but in the name of "the democratic party," not 
less despotic than that of his predecessor ! — a power which 
cannot be exercised by a single individual under whatever 
disguise it may be concealed — and the more effectually it is 
disguised the more dangerous it is — without imminent hazard 
to the liberties of the people. The elements of this immense 
power are, the Executive patronage, and the officers and 
agents of the government — those who have received, and 
those who are expecting the reward of their zeal and fidelity 
to the President, or to the party. These number, probably, 
not less than 150,000 or 200,000 persons, and scattered as 
they are over the wide extent of our country, stationed in eve- 
ry city, town and neighborhood, moved by a single impulse, 
obeying the will of one man, acting simultaneously, and 
with all the energy which hope, fear, cupidity, ambition, and 
the hatred of opponents can inspire, they constitute the most 
efficient, well disciplined, obedient, and dangerous army, that 
ever sustained the cause of despotism or attacked the liber* 
ties of s. free people. 



[24] 

It is by means of this organized and obsequious corps, and 
a devoted press, sustained by the crumbs of patronage that 
fall in such abundance from the Executive table, that the 
President i3 able to direct and control the movements of "the 
democratic party''' with such ease and exactness, and to create 
public opinion, or that which seems to be such, while he ap- 
pears but to obey it. The lime has arrived which was predict- 
ed by Mr. Van Bcee>~, when he said, in a report to the United 
State? we must look forward to the time when the 

nomination of the President can carry any man through the 
Senate, and his recommendation can carry any mea- 
through the two Houses of Congress ; — when the principle of 
public action will be open and avowed — the President wants 
my tote, and I want Ai* patronage : / will rote as he v. 
and he will give me the office I wish for. What will this be 
but the government of one man ? and what is the government 
of one man but a Monarchy ?" And we may also say in his 
own language, "the President has power over the support of 
the Federal officers ; and the power over a man's support has 
always been held and admitted to be power over his will. The 
President of the United States is the source of patronage. He 

sides over the entire system of Federal appointments, jobs 
and contracts ; he has power over the support of the individ- 
uals who admin rstem. HE MAKES AND UN- 
MAKES THEM. He chooses from the circle of his friends 
and supporters, and may dismiss them, and upon all the prin- 
ciples of human action, will dismiss them as often as they dis- 
appoint his expectations." ( own mouth do we con- 
vict the President : he himself furnishes us an explanation, if 
any were wanting, by what secret power he sets in motion 
this great machine which he calls the "democratic party ;"' — Us 
operation is seen in its acts. Is a member of Congress to be 
crushed because he cannot reconcile the support of a favorite 
Executive measure, with his convictions of duty to his con- 
stituents and to his country, — he is denounced by the govern- 
ment press, — that faithful index of the P: ill — as a 

itor to the party; his constituents are required to punish 
him, or be themselves excommunicated and anathematised, 
and in more than one instance they have joined to destroy an 
honest and faithful servant. Is a city or state election to be 
secured, the train-bands of power are mustered and marched 
to the scene of action, the sinews of war are furnished by a 
levy upon the Federal office holders, voters from other States, 
are enlisted, bailies employed, and the people are not unfre- 
quently driven from the polls by those who never yet exer- 



[25] 

eised the right of a freeman, and cannot appreciate the sacrec(< 
ness of the ballot-box — the citadel of Liberty. Is force re- 
quired to settle a contested election of members of a State 
Legislature, at the word of command a mob, headed and led on 
by a government agent — "whom the President made and cart 
unmake," — fills the Legislative Halls and promptly settles the 
question after the approved precedents of a Cromwell and a 
Napoleon ! — -clearing the Hall of all but the sycophants of 
power and the instruments of despotism ! And this is done in 
the name, and by the professed advocates of Democracy ! ! 

Is it possible that the American people can be so deluded by 
this syren cry of democracy as to sanction such acts and sup- 
port such men ? Is it possible they can shut, their eyes against 
the monstrous outrages committed in her name upon their own 
rights? Is it possible they cannot perceive the enormous 
power the Executive is wielding in her name — a power so dan- 
gerous to republican institutions ? Has history taught them 
no lessons of experience and caution ? Do the wrecks of other 
Republics, which lie scattered up and down upon this rock of 
EXECUTIVE POWER, furnish no beacon to warn us? 
Is it possible the people want the intelligence to perceive, or 
the frankness to confess, that the measures and acts of the 
present administration and its partisans, are inconsistent "with 
and repugnant to the principles they profess to support? Can 
it be that they are unable to see any thing inconsistent with 
republican principles in the endeavor to concentrate the whole 
power and patronage of the government in the hands of owe 
man, — in making subserviency to the Executive an indispen- 
sable qualification for office, and passive obedience to his will 
the surest passport to favor? Is there no danger lurking in 
the establishment of a central power at Washington which 
stretches its Briarean arms to the uttermost parts of the 
Union, lays its strong hands upon the local authorities of the 
States, and endeavors to bend them to its own purposes? Is 
there nothing to be feared in the attempt of the Executive,- 
repeatedly made, to fasten upon the country, in defiance of 
the wishes of the people, often and unequivocally expressed, a 
Sub-Treasury Scheme, by which the power and patronage of 
the President, already too great for the safety of the republic, 
would be alarmingly increased, the purse and the sword united 
in his hands, and the public moneys committed to the keeping 
and use of some hundred more government agents — thus in- 
creasing the temptation to peculation and swelling the list of 
public plunderers ? Can they see nothing indicative of scorn- 
ful disregard and insulting oppression of the people, in the 
D 



£ 26 1 

declaration made on the floor of Congress by a confidents 
friend of the President and the echo of his sentiments, that 
"the Sub-Treasury Scheme IS in force, and will be main- 
tained by the President till 1840, IN SPITE OF LAMEN- 
TATIONS THERE OR ELSEWHERE ?" 

Are those whom "the President has made and can unmake," 
— the breath of whose nostrils is Executive favor, the most 
fit to instruct the people in the principles of democracy, in- 
dependence, and the dignity of freemen ? Will the people lis- 
ten to such teachers, and can they learn from them that a 
jealous watchfulness, and a firm resistance to the first en- 
croachment of Executive authority, are the only means of 
preserving their freedom? The democracy they teach is a 
mockery and a cheat ; — it is a perversion ot language to call 
it such : it is the democracy of the slave who begs, upon his 
knees, the crumbs that fall from the tyrant's table, and is per- 
mitted to partake of them only so long as he exhibits his 
humility and submission : It is the democracy that seeks to 
enslave our country ; it is the cloak of unlimited dominion } 
the disguise of despotic sway ; the deadliest foe to the rights 
of the people. The advocates of power who vociferate so 
loudly their professions of democracy, well know their preten- 
sions cannot stand the test of honest and fair investigation, and 
therefore, instead of replying in the language of reason and 
argument when charged with violating every principle of 
free government, retort with epithets of scurrility and low 
abuse, indicative alike of a disregard of truth, disrespect to the 
community, bad temper, and a bad cause. Most distinguished 
for this kind of warfare and want of dignity and candor, is the 
official paper at the seat of government — the paper through 
which the sentiments of the government are made known to the 
world, and whose character must be taken as a reflection of 
that o. the chief magistrate and his cabinet. 

But while the pretenders to democracy think proper to deal 
in scurrility, appeal to the passions and endeavor to excite the 
prejudices of the people, — while they strive to (or.ent the 
hostility of the poor against the rich, and infuse poison into 
the minds of the ignorant, we emulate not their example. On 
the contrary, we Jesire to address the understandings of the 
people ; to convince their reason ; to secure their confidence : 
to arou-e their patriotism; to induce them to read, think, 
decide, nd act for themselves; to pin their faith upr; nc 
man's s^eve, to take no one's word for truth till tested by 
themselves, and especially those whose interest it is to deceive 
and mislead them. We have relied, and still reiy on tha'; 



[27] 

fund of good sense and honesty of purpose which is always 
to be found among an intelligent people, and which though 
they may for a time be deceived, will eventually dispel the 
mists of prejudice and error, and enable them to perceive their 
true interest and discern between their sincere and pretended 
friends. We believe them to be always right in their senti- 
ments, though sometimes wrong in their acts, and opinions. 
Epithets and vulgarity cannot long satisfy those who desire 
light and knowledge, information and truth ; nor can the cloak 
of democracy long conceal from their eyes the implements of 
despotic power, and ihe wicked designs of ambitious dema- 
gogues. We overrate the character, intelligence and sagacity 
of the American people if they can long consent to be treated 
as though they were devoid of understanding. 

The inclination manifested by the people in almost every 
section of the Union, to throw off the trammels of political 
bondage which the existing dynasty has attempted to fast- 
en upon them, is most cheering : it inspires us with new 
hope and should encourage us to persevere in our opposition 
to misrule. The people cannot have failed to observe that 
while the minions of power have been loudly railing against 
banks and banking, and professing a desire to estal ; ish an 
exclusive metallic currency, the government itself has r sorted 
to the issue of Treasury notes which it refused to receive in 
all cases for its own dues; thus creating two kinds of curren- 
cy, one for the office holders and another for tue people. They 
cannot have failed to observe also, that in those states in which 
the partisans of the Executive and the advocates of a metallic 
currency constitute a decided and controlling majority, the 
greatest derangement has taken place in the currency, banks 
have been most freely chartered, their notes have undergone 
the greatest depreciation, and the community have su.Tered 
most by them. A sufficient commentary this affords, on the 
honesty of those who attempt to delude the people by profess- 
ing to be opposed to all banks, as well as on their wisdom and 
financial skill. 

Holding the present administration as unworthy the confi- 
dence of the American people and hostile in all its measures 
to the best interests and the liberties of the nation, we 
deem it the duty of every man who has any regard for his 
country and would perpetuate her noble institutions, to unite 
in the great work which has for its object the restoration of 
the government to the line of safe precedents established by 
Washington; the restraint of the Executive within the limits 
fixed by the constitution^ and the breaking up of that party 



[28] 

discipline which seeks to control the thoughts and actions of 
men, makes them the mere vassals of power, and inculcates 
the doctrine that political success is an object that will justify 
a resort to any means however dishonorable or illegal. To 
"reform those abuses which have brought the patronage of the 
Federal government in conflict with the freedom of election," — 
to arrest the downward moral tendency of the country, — to put 
an end to the frauds and peculations of public officers, — to 
restore confidence and good feeling among the people, and to 
elect a Chief Magistrate who will inspire that confidence and 
cherish that good feeling : — these are the great objects the 
Whigs of the United States have in view, and in which we in- 
vite the co-operation and union of all. 

To accomplish this purpose, we have raised the great Ban- 
ner of opposition to misrule; the WHIG BANNER ; around 
which our fathers rallied in '76, and which they sustained till 
victory perched upon their standard. We have inscribed upon 
its broad and expansive folds those principles which can alone 
preserve our liberties and perpetuate our republic through all 
future time: "Eternal vigilance, and watchful jealousy of Ex- 
ecutive power, the price of liberty:" " The constitution and 
the public good, the supreme law :" " The independence of 
the different departments of the government to be maintained 
that they may act as checks upon each other :" "A President 
who shall know no party but the nation, no enemies but the 
public enemies ; who shall have no political debts to pay, no 
private wrongs to revenge:" " Universal education, the safe- 
guard of popular government :" " Fidelity to our country, our 
constitution and our principles." 

Such is our Banner ; and around it we invite all who 
accord with us in the principles inscribed upon its ample folds, 
to rally as one man. Whatever 'may have been our for- 
mer differences of opinion on great national questions, or 
on minor matters ; or whatever may be our personal predi- 
lections for different candidates, we tender the hand of fellow- 
ship to all who will join and co-operate with us in the great 
work of regenerating the government and restoring those prin- 
ciples so emphatically and earnestly urged upon us by the 
Father of his country. To do this, our present incompetent 
and corrupt rulers must be discarded, and a Chief Magistrate 
elected who will combine in himself matured experience, emi- 
nent abilities, tried integrity, sound judgment, conciliating man- 
ners; firmness, self reliance, and a fixedness of purpose, with 
a due respect for public opinion, and a thorough knowledge 
jof the people and of their interests. 



[29] 

Thus far we believe there is no difference of sentiment 
among the great body of the Whigs; but in the selection of 
an individual to be supported as their candidate for the Presi- 
dency, there are, as yet, differences of opinion, and a want of 
that entire harmony which we hope yet to see, and which is 
essential to success. Representing the Whigs of this Com- 
monwealth, we believe ourselves expressing their sentiments 
when we declare our preference for one of the prominent 
men named as a candidate for the Executive chair, but coun- 
sel entire submission to the decision, and hearty support of 
the nominee of the WHIG NATIONAL CONVENTION, to 
be held at Harrisburg in December next. To this Convention, 
as to a mutually selected and unexceptionable tribunal, we 
hold every true and honest Whig bound to refer the only ques- 
tion on which we differ, and abide the issue in good faith, as the 
only means of preserving union and harmony. We regret that 
a small minority of the Convention, who differed from the major- 
ity in their choice of a Presidential candidate, should have 
deemed an expression of the preference of this body for one indi- 
vidual rather than another, a sufficient ground for withdrawing 
from a body in whose deliberations they had shared, by which 
they had been attentively listened to, and which adopted no prin- 
ciple they did not concur in. J f such were the course pursued 
by all theWhigs of these United States, it is apparent there could 
be no union among them, as each one would consider a different 
personal preference ample cause for separating himself from 
the party whose principles he professes to support, and thus 
indirectly aid in the perpetuation of misrule. Such a course 
we consider disorganizing and inconsistent with the elevated 
motives that generally inspire the action of the party with 
which it is our pride to be connected. 

The proposition of those who thought proper to withdraw from 
the Convention, simply, as we must infer, because they found 
themselves in a minority, was that this Convention should at 
once adjourn sine die, after having called an Anti-Van Buren 
Convention to be held in August or September next. This the 
majority did not feel authorized to do even were the measure 
one of sound policy, which we did not think. We were elect- 
ed to organize the Whig Party of this State, and to do such 
other acts as were necessary to carry into effect that organiza- 
tion, and incidental to it : and we should not have discharged 
the duty assigned us had we adopted the course proposed. 
It would have given us great pleasure, and we were con- 
fident it would have been consonant with your wishes, could 
we have devised any plan by which all the elements of oppo- 
sition to the general Administration, in this Commonwealth, 



[30] 

•could have been united; but a portion of them having already 
held a Convention and formed an electoral ticket 'pledged to 
support a particular candidate without reference to the contin- 
gency of his being nominated by the National Whig Conven- 
tion, we could see no means by which a union could be formed 
without a sacrifice on our part, both of principle and con- 
sistency. All we could do was to refer the question of a 
candidate to the decision of a National Whig Convention, 
pledge ourselves to abide the issue of the ballot, and to raise 
the banner of opposition to misgovernmenl on a platform broad 
enough to receive all who are opposed to the wicked measures 
and evil policy of the present administration. This we have 
done ; and we now inviie them one and all, to unite with us, 
and stand shoulder to shoulder, in the great contest. We 
have heretofore acted with them, so far at least as to support 
their candidate for governor, and in one instance to elect him : 
do we ask any thing unreasonable, now that they have not 
the ability to give a single electoral vote to any candidate they 
may place in the field, when we request them to aid us in re- 
deeming the country from the political thraldom under which 
it is laboring? and can they, if they are sincere in profess- 
ing their hostility to our present rulers, which we cannot 
doubt, refuse this reasonable request? Surely we think not. 

We are ready to recognize as Whigs, and tender them 'he 
hand of fellowship and confidence, all who will rally round 
the Whig Banner, support the principles thereon inscriDed,and 
submit the question of a candidate to the Whig National Con- 
vention, with an honest pledge to abide bv and sus'ain its de- 
cision. But we cannot recognize as such, nor admit to our 
confidence, those who persist in a course calculated, if not in- 
tended, to defeat the great objects we have in view, and who 
deem a mere personal preference a matter of greater moment 
than the emancipation of the country from the most paralyzing 
political bondage. We exclude no one from our ranks who 
is willing to aid our cause, and will act with us in good faith ; 
but we cannot unite with, nor receive among us, those who 
have pre-determined to pursue a course different from that 
which our judgment and conviction of duty clearly indicate 
to be the only proper one. 

The reference of the nomination of a presidential candidate 
to a National Convention, to be composed of delegates repre- 
senting the whole Whig party of the Union, is the only hon- 
orable and fair means by which differences of opinion relative 
to the comparative strength of the different candidates, and 
their acceptability to the people, as well as personal predilec- 
tions, can be ascertained, compromised and settled. To this 



t31] 

body the subject has by universal consent been referred, and 
by its decision we shall cheerfully and in all truth, abide. — 
If others shall entertain different views of duty, and pursue a 
course less conciliatory, the responsibility of their act rests 
with them, and not upon us. We have too much confidence, 
however, in their patriotism, to believe they will persist in a 
measure calculated to prevent the final union of all who desire 
a reformation of the government and who wish to see its ad- 
ministration transferred to more honest and competent men. 

Having raised the Whig Banner in this State, we again in- 
vite all who approve our principles to rally in its support, till 
it shall float in triumph over the great " Keystone" of the 
Union. We also recommend, as a necessary means to attain 
this end, a thorough organization of the DEMOCRATIC 
WHIG PARTY throughout the Commonwealth. We trust 
that the active and unremitting exertions of every member of 
the parly will be given to effect this organization. Much can 
be accomplished by mingling and conversing with the people, 
and furnishing them with the means of gaining information on 
public affairs and forming correct opinions of men and meas- 
ures. We beg leave to press this upon our friends as an im- 
portant duty which they should by no mean? neglect. 

Our great object now is to secure the triumph of our princi- 
ples by the election of a President who will be guided by and 
carry them into practice. Holding ourselves bound to support 
the nominee of the Whig National Convention, we cannot 
doubt that it will present to the American people, as a candi- 
date for Chief Magistrate and their suffrages, a name that 
will at once inspire confidence and ensure success ; — a stales- 
man not less distinguished by his eminent public services, than 
by his comprehensive understanding, his expanded views, 
his manly frankness, and his thrilling eloquence: not less 
by the warm and zealous support of his country's cause 
in the dark hour of defeat and disaster, than by his consistent, 
unyielding, though almost hopeless opposition to the pernicious 
measures and inordinate assumptions of power which have 
characterized the government and oppressed the country for 
the last ten years : not less as the sagacious author and advo- 
cate of those great measures of national policy which have in their 
operation given an irresistible impetus to the prosperity, and 
an extraordinary increase to the productive labor and wealth 
of the country, than as the successiul pacificator of angry 
collisions which threatened the most serious consequences to 
the peace and harmony, if not the very existence of the Union. 
Such a man is HENRY CLAY, of Kentucky ; who, springing 
from the ranks of the people has all his sympathies with them, 

iRnrl has pvpp lahnrpH in nrnvnnfp. tkplr int<»rpsts. W^in is in* 



[ 82 ] 

debted to his own unaided exertions, an unshaken integrity,* 
the bountiful gift of a strong intellect and a brilliant eloquence, 
and to his consistency and steadiness of purpose, for the ele- 
vated position he has long held in the public eye, and the con- 
fidence reposed in him by his fellow-citizens during the pro- 
tracted period he has been in public life. If to any individu- 
al more than another, Pennsylvania is indebted for originating 
and advocating those public measures which have developed 
her immense and exhaustless resources, which have put in 
motion the wheels of her manufactories, opened her mines, 
given employment to her labor, and poured wealth into her 
lap, it is to Henry Clay : to him, and to a few fearless spirits 
whose visions like his could pierce futurity, and who were de- 
termined to call into action her slumbering energies, she owes 
an inappreciable debt of gratitude. There is something in 
the very name of Henry Clay, which inspires enthusiasm 
and touches a chord in the heart of every man who can ad- 
mire a bold and manly bearing, combined with suavity and 
courteousness of manners ; a frankness and sincerity which 
knows no guile and hides nothing even from an enemy, united 
with a courage that never shrinks from responsibility on the 
most trying occasions and fears nothing but dishonor. 

Such is the man we confidently believe able to lead us to 
victory : and who if elected will restore the nation to her 
former enviable position, arrest the downward tendency of her 
political morals, and dignify and adorn, by his own exalted char- 
acter, the Presidential chair. Who will quell the angry 
elements of strife, and cause the government to be felt in its 
influence upon the prosperity and happiness of the people, rather 
than seen in the intermeddling of its agents in the popular 
elections. 

Let every sincere friend of his country, every descendant 
of the patriotic Whigs of '76, unite in supporting the cause 
in which we are engaged and the candidate who shall be 
selected by the National Convention, and we shall ere long 
have the proud satisfaction of witnessing our country once 
more free from the galling shackles of political bondage that 
have so long oppressed her limbs and repressed her energies. 
Let our rallying cry be 

« UNION AND PERSEVERANCE," 
" OUR COUNTRY, AND OUR CAUSE." 

And while the banner we have raised shall float in the breeze* 
let its stripes and its stars be untarnished, and the name of Whig 
be synonimous t wi^ honor and manly independence. 

31,5 




"h D08BS BROS. 

KBRARY BINDI 



